Category: Information

How Chicago should regulate rental junk fees

This post was co-written with Steffany Bahamon.

Chicago is going to regulate rental fees no matter which renter protection ordinance City Council passes. Both the mayor’s Protecting Renters Ordinance (PRO) and the alternative introduced by Ald. Gilbert Villegas (FAIR) write new fee rules, and both sit on top of the same new state law. The question isn’t whether Chicago should regulate junk fees; it’s how the list of allowed fees works, whether landlords have to show their costs, and what happens to move-in fees.

Abundant Housing Illinois (AHIL) supports PRO’s fee structure with two changes: let tenants choose between a security deposit and move-in/move-out fees (never both), and replace fixed dollar caps with a “reasonable documented cost” standard. This is the companion to last week’s post on what Chicago’s rental registry should collect and how to pay for it. (These memos are posted here because the AHIL website is presently being transferred to a new system.)

What state law already does

HB 3564, passed in May 2026, added fee rules to the Illinois Landlord and Tenant Act, effective January 1, 2027. Every non-optional fee has to be disclosed on the first page of the lease, application fees are capped at $50 (a landlord can bill a higher third-party screening cost only with a receipt, within 14 days), and landlords can’t rename a fee to get around the rules. Springfield deliberately left move-in fees and security deposits to local governments, which is where PRO and FAIR come in.

PRO and FAIR take opposite approaches

PRO says a tenant can be charged a security deposit, up to one month of prepaid rent, and a specific list of allowed fees. Everything else is out. FAIR does the reverse: it bans specific practices and permits the rest.

FAIRPRO
StructureBans listed practices, permits the restOnly listed fees are allowed (an “allow list”)
Application fee$50, with documented overage billable (state law)The lesser of the actual cost or $20
Move-in/move-out feesMove-in fee allowed if reasonably related to estimated costNot on the list, which means they’re banned
Security deposit cap1.5 months’ rent1 month’s rent
Proof of costFirst-page disclosure onlyItemized cost and documentation before charging
Routine maintenance (like repainting units, replacing worn fixtures, vacuuming)Barred only in pet chargesBarred from every fee
Utilities and RUBSNo markupNo markup building-wide, no billing-vendor fees, a written formula showing how utility bills are divided among apartments, 90 days’ notice of changes, bills on request

FAIR has a no-rename clause, but it only catches relabeling an existing fee, not inventing a new one. Under a “ban list” approach, a landlord who comes up with a fee nobody thought to ban gets to keep charging it.

An allow list is a typical policy

PRO’s approach isn’t radical. It’s similar to what many other places already do:

  • Seattle updated its rental fee rules in August 2026. A fee is legal only if city code or state law authorizes it, regardless of what it’s called. Seattle is stricter than PRO: no pet fees beyond a damage deposit, a flat $10 late fee, and no fees for paying by check or ACH.
  • Montgomery County, Maryland permits only an enumerated set of regulated fees.
  • Colorado bars fees above the landlord’s actual cost and requires a disclosed utility formula.

Utility billing rules

A ratio utility billing system (RUBS) splits a master-metered building’s utility bill across units by formula, usually based on apartment size and number of occupants (the assumption being that households of similar size use similar amounts of energy). Both ordinances keep RUBS legal. FAIR has one rule: no markups. PRO puts guardrails around it:

  • No markup across the building. The total charged to all tenants can’t exceed what the utilities billed.
  • No billing-vendor fees. Tenants can’t be charged costs from third-party vendors, aggregators, or resellers.
  • No switching mid-lease. A landlord can’t move a tenant from landlord-paid to tenant-paid utilities, or from fixed-rate to variable-rate, during the lease.
  • 90 days’ notice before any such change.
  • A written formula detailed enough for tenants to calculate their own share, keyed to the Tenant Utility Payment Disclosure Act.
  • Bills on request for any period a tenant is charged for.

That’s Seattle’s current position, and close to Oregon’s statewide rules. We support PRO’s approach to utilities as written.

Change 1: a deposit or move-in/move-out fees, never both

A common problem with junk fees is stacking: a move-in fee, an application charge, and a monthly “bundle” fee piled on top of base rent before anyone has moved in. PRO fixes this by banning move-in and move-out fees outright and capping deposits at one month’s rent.

We’d rather let tenants choose one track or the other. The landlord prices both up front, and the renter picks at signing:

  • Deposit track: a refundable security deposit of up to one and a half months’ rent (FAIR’s level), held and returned under the city’s Residential Landlord and Tenant Ordinance.
  • Fee track: move-in and/or move-out fees at reasonable documented cost, with a combined total of no more than one and a half months’ rent, and no deposit.

A move-in fee at cost is usually a few hundred dollars, not a month’s rent, so the fee track is a cheaper way into an apartment. The either/or rule ends stacking and should mean fewer fights over deposits.

Seattle caps the security deposit and nonrefundable move-in fees together at one month’s rent but leaves the mix up to the landlord. We’d hand that choice to the tenant. Cook County’s Residential Tenant Landlord Ordinance bars disguising a deposit as a nonrefundable fee, and we’d keep that rule: a fee that works like a deposit gets treated like one. A renter who wants money back picks the deposit; one who’s short on cash picks the fee. Capping the fee at documented cost keeps the cheaper option honest.

Change 2: reasonable documented cost, not fixed dollar caps

A cost standard is preferable because it’s based on real costs, while fixed dollar caps written into the ordinance will go stale. PRO already requires an itemized description, the cost, and supporting documentation before any fee is charged. A fee backed by receipts is easier to audit than a flat number nobody has to justify.

What we mean by “reasonable cost”:

  • What the landlord actually paid; for turnover fees, a documented estimate from recent turnovers of comparable units
  • No routine maintenance, overhead, or profit
  • Itemized and documented before it’s charged

For application fees, we’d use the state framework from HB 3564 instead of PRO’s $20 cap. That gives Illinois one application fee standard instead of two. Evanston and Cook County already use cost-based standards for move-in fees.

The fee schedule AHIL supports

Before move-in, a landlord may collect only:

  • First month’s rent
  • An application fee at actual documented cost, under the state framework (up to the $50 cap in state law, plus documented third-party overage, and free when the tenant provides a reusable screening report)
  • The tenant’s choice of one of the following (the landlord offers both, with prices in writing before signing):
    • a refundable security deposit of up to one and a half months’ rent, or
    • move-in and/or move-out fees at reasonable documented cost, with a combined total of no more than one and a half months’ rent

During the tenancy, only:

  • A pet fee, one-time or recurring but not both, at reasonable cost
  • Non-recurring costs the tenant triggers (key copies, bounced payments), at actual cost
  • Optional services the tenant opts into in writing, at cost
  • Utility charges under PRO’s rules: no markup building-wide, no billing-vendor fees, a written allocation formula, 90 days’ notice of changes, and bills on request

Rules for every fee:

  • Allow list: anything not on this list is prohibited
  • Itemized description, cost, and documentation before charging
  • No routine maintenance in any fee
  • Every non-optional fee on page one of the lease (state law)
  • A fee that works like a deposit is treated as a deposit (meaning it’s returned after the tenant moves out and leaves the unit in the condition previously agreed upon)
  • Charging a prohibited fee draws a penalty from the new rental housing bureau of 1.5 times the amount charged

Who else supports junk fee reform

Junk fee reform has been backed by other YIMBY groups, research organizations, and economists:

  • Open New York backed the FARE Act, New York City’s ban on making tenants pay broker fees for brokers the landlord hired. Executive Director Annemarie Gray said the law will protect renters from thousands of dollars in broker fees they never asked for.
  • Urban Institute recommends upfront disclosure of all fees, banning catch-all cost transfer clauses, banning mandatory services, and allowing evictions only for unpaid rent. Seattle’s council sponsor cited this research when the city unanimously passed its rental junk fee ban in August 2026.
  • Center for American Progress proposes capping rental application fees, noting that landlords typically pay screening companies less than they charge renters, and that portable screening report laws often produce limited savings in practice.
  • Neale Mahoney, a Stanford economist, worked on national junk fee policy in the Biden administration and flew to Seattle to testify for the city’s rental fee ban.

City Council should pass fee rules that list what a landlord can charge, require receipts for every charge, and let renters choose between a deposit and move-in fees instead of paying both. PRO gets most of the way there; with these two changes, Chicago would have one of the clearest fee standards in the country.

What Chicago’s rental registry should collect, and how to pay for it

This post was co-written with Steffany Bahamon.

Chicago is going to get a rental registry no matter which renter protection ordinance City Council passes. Both the mayor’s ordinance (PRO) and the alternative introduced by Ald. Gilbert Villegas (FAIR) create one. The question now isn’t whether Chicago should have a registry; it’s what data the registry collects and how we pay for it. (Abundant Housing Illinois has endorsed PRO with some changes; this post goes deeper on the registry, and a companion post covers how Chicago should regulate rental junk fees.)

I’ve been making the case for a rental registry since 2023, when I proposed a kludge using Cook County databases because Chicago Cityscape only has unit-count data for about 37 percent of apartment buildings. 17 of the 75 largest U.S. cities already run one, and the National League of Cities – where Alderman Villegas sits on the board – recommends them as a local policy.

Rental data is notoriously hard to get right, and as YIMBYs we want the best data possible.

FAIR’s registry collects only four things

Under FAIR, a registration “shall include only”:

  1. the street address of the building
  2. owner or agent contact
  3. property manager contact
  4. who receives repair requests

That’s not enough to do much with.

PRO collects much more: the address and PIN (the property index number Cook County uses to identify each parcel), unit count, floor count, unit numbers, bedrooms, whether each unit is occupied or vacant, and the monthly rent charged for each unit. It also collects the full ownership structure: every member or officer holding 20 percent or more (or the top five if nobody hits 20 percent), parent companies, subsidiaries, the trust name and whoever can direct the trustee, and a local contact in Chicago if the owner isn’t here. No P.O. boxes allowed.

PRO leaves it to the Commissioner of Housing to decide, by rule, which registry information is publicly accessible and which is restricted (§5-12-175(b)(1)). In our view it’s not essential to publish owners’ addresses to the public but City Hall should have it.

A major reason to have a registry is that LLCs shield problem landlords and the city and tenants can’t figure out who owns what. FAIR’s registry cannot pierce a single LLC. You’d get a street address and a registered agent, which is what you can already get from the Illinois Secretary of State.

Here’s what that looks like in practice. In September a Cook County judge halted the receivership sale of the Crestwood Apartments, a 57-unit building for low-income seniors at 525 N Austin Boulevard, after tenants linked the buyer to the building’s former operator, The Real Deal reported. That operator, Boruch “Barry” Drillman, pleaded guilty last year to a $165 million federal mortgage fraud conspiracy, and his company is the target of Fannie Mae’s foreclosure lawsuit over the building after it allegedly defaulted on a $5.1 million mortgage. The Chicago Housing Authority had suspended rent subsidies on 31 units over failed inspections and declared the property “uninhabitable.”

Crestwood isn’t a one-off. Brian Mykulyn and Elora Raymond wrote in Shelterforce that the share of rental units owned by non-individual investors rose from 17.3 percent in 2001 to 24.5 percent in 2015. In Memphis, the majority of the most blighted properties belong to LLCs, and in Milwaukee, LLC ownership correlates with housing disrepair. Their recommendation is the one I’m making here: local rental ordinances that require LLCs to disclose who’s behind them, like Minneapolis, which requires rental licensees to name “an associated natural person.”

PRO pays for itself; FAIR’s funding doesn’t exist on paper

PRO charges an annual registration fee of $20 per unit for buildings with 1–4 units, $40 per unit for 5–49 units, and $60 per unit for 50+ units. Chicago Housing Authority units, affordable units under a regulatory agreement, and owner-occupied one- to six-flats are exempt from the fees (but not from registering). That adds up to about $22 million a year, which funds the bureau that administers the registry (§2-44-200(b)(3)). About half of rental registries are funded this way, so it’s not ideal, but it’s normal.

FAIR has no fee provision at all. Its Office of Rental Housing would sit inside the Department of Buildings and is “subject to appropriation” in a department that housing advocates and the Johnson administration both say is already stretched thin.

Alderman Villegas has verbally described funding it through a foreclosure registry. That is not in the FAIR ordinance text. Steffany looked for a city that funds a rental registry with foreclosure registry fees and couldn’t find one anywhere in the United States. Foreclosure and rental registries coexist in plenty of Florida cities, but they’re funded separately, and foreclosure fees are usually dedicated narrowly by statute.

The closest thing is Columbus, Ohio, and even it doesn’t do exactly that. Columbus has a $250 biannual foreclosed property registration and still funded its April 2026 rental registry with a $15 per-unit fee. Columbus also tried to spend registry fees on affordable housing and was told by its own deputy city attorney that state law only lets registry fees pay for the registry.

Foreclosure revenue moves the wrong way

There’s a very good fiscal reason most rental registries aren’t funded this way. Foreclosure revenue is countercyclical and inconsistent: it’s a trickle in good years and spikes during recessions.

A registry for 500,000+ units, on the other hand, is a fixed, permanent cost: vendors, staff, and a public website. In a city where the budget fight is an annual bloodbath, funding data infrastructure with a revenue line that moves the wrong way is how you end up with an unmaintained or half-built database.

Chicago may not be able to fund the FAIR registry that way regardless. In FHFA v. City of Chicago (N.D. Ill. 2013), Judge Durkin held that the city’s vacant buildings ordinance was preempted as to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and called the $500 registration fee an impermissible tax on the federal government. Fannie and Freddie held about 258,000 Chicago loans at the time. The city settled in 2014 and agreed not to collect. We already litigated the foreclosure fee base and lost most of it.

Data the registry should capture

  • Owner identity, including the real people (natural persons) behind LLCs. The current records don’t show who actually owns the building. It allows early intervention (knowing who is behind a portfolio lets the city act before problems spread across many buildings).
  • Property manager and a local 24/7 emergency contact (this is the “responsible party” who will address tenant issues; ownership information is needed to know who’s responsible for the manager and emergency contact)
  • Building and dwelling characteristics
    • Unit count per building
    • Bedroom and bathroom count per unit
  • Existing data about the building from extant sources
    • Eviction records as they happen (this information would be supplied by a data sharing agreement between the city and the Cook County Circuit Court)
    • Inspection and violation history
  • Rental information
    • Rent for each occupied unit (the price on the lease)
    • Terms for each occupied unit
      • move-in month
      • whether the lease is month-to-month, annual, or some other period
      • which utilities are included
      • price of fixed-rate utilities
      • whether RUBS (ratio utility billing, which splits a master-metered building’s utility bill across units by formula) is used
      • whether a security deposit or move-in fee was used, and the price of such
  • Status of each unoccupied unit, as a count with a per-unit breakdown:
    • Leasable, meaning the owner is looking for a tenant
    • Held for a future tenant who won’t be charged rent
    • Held vacant for a planned renovation
    • Whether it’s listed online, and at what price
    • Whether a broker represents it
    • If it isn’t listed, the price the owner is trying to get

Who else supports rental registries

I’m not alone here. Rental registries have been endorsed by other YIMBY groups and research organizations:

City Council should pass a registry that can actually tell us who owns Chicago’s rental housing, what it rents for, and which units are sitting empty – and fund it with a revenue source that will still be there in year three. PRO’s registry comes much closer to that than FAIR’s.

Inside the machine: visiting the O’Brien Water Reclamation Plant

Half of all the electricity consumed at one of the largest wastewater treatment facilities in the Midwest goes to running air blowers and pumps. That was the detail that stuck with me most from Saturday’s open house at the Terrence J. O’Brien Water Reclamation Plant at the corner of Howard Street and McCormick Boulevard in Skokie, one of seven facilities operated by the Metropolitan Water Reclamation District of Greater Chicago (MWRD).

I visited with two friends; I think we left there with a clearer picture of the hidden machinery behind our region’s daily life.

A plant almost a century old

The O’Brien plant opened in October 1928. At the time, it was the largest sewage treatment facility in the world. Nearly a century later, it still serves over 1.3 million people across 143 square miles: Chicago north of Fullerton Avenue and 17 north suburban Cook County communities including Evanston, Skokie, Wilmette, Northbrook, and Glenview. Wastewater from all of those homes and businesses travels through a network of intercepting sewers beneath McCormick Boulevard before arriving at the plant’s 97-acre campus at Howard Street.

The MWRD service area map shows the locations of the seven water treatment plants (Hanover Park, Egan, Kirie, O’Brien, Stickney, Lemont, and Calumet) using a green icon. Download as PDF.

The plant was renamed for Terrence J. O’Brien, a longtime MWRD president who died in 2021. It’s one of seven plants in the district, each serving a distinct drainage area across the Chicago region.

Simpler than you’d think — and more remarkable for it

The treatment process is more straightforward than most people imagine. Incoming wastewater first passes through screens that remove large debris, then into settling tanks where solids drop out — capturing 60 to 80 percent of suspended material. After that, the water moves into aeration tanks where staff introduce what they affectionately call “bugs”: beneficial bacteria that consume the remaining organic matter. A final round of ultraviolet light disinfection kills any remaining pathogens before the treated water discharges into the North Shore Channel. This effluent is cleaner than the water in the channel.

That channel, built between 1907 and 1910, carries the plant’s effluent south toward the Chicago River — an engineered system designed to move water away from the lake and through the region. Because much of Chicago relies on combined sewers — single pipes carrying both stormwater and sewage — heavy rain events send a surge of combined flow toward the plant. It connects to TARP, the Deep Tunnel system, which captures and holds that overflow until the plant can process it. The plant handles an average of 230 million gallons per day, with surge capacity up to 450 million. At the time of our visit the plant had processed 156 million gallons.

Touring the plant

The MWRD ran an efficient open house, with guided tours departing every 15 minutes. Our guide was a retired staffer who came back to volunteer. Before working there for 10 years he worked at a suburban municipality’s drinking water plant.

A highlight was the 1926 Pump and Blower Building, a vaulted brick-and-steel industrial hall with a skylit roof that. Inside, massive blowers push air into the aeration tanks to keep the bacteria alive and working. Those machines account for roughly half the facility’s entire electricity consumption. It’s a staggering thought: hundreds of millions of gallons treated daily, and the biggest energy draw is simply moving some air.

We weren’t allowed into the grit chamber during the open house, but our guide noted that school groups regularly visit it — and that children almost universally react to the smell by pulling their shirts over their noses.

Infrastructure worth knowing

More people should understand how the infrastructure they pay for and benefit from actually works. The O’Brien open house is a rare chance to do exactly that: to stand next to the blowers, walk past the settling tanks, and talk to the people who run it. Staff talked to us about how they test at the plant and at businesses that generate “industrial wastewater”, including breweries and metal processing facilities.

The staff also test for viruses as well as fecal matter to assess the effluent’s cleanliness. The tour guide said that before the water enters the UV channels Before the UV channels the water has over 1,000 fecal coliform per 100 mL; after treatment it drops to 25, sometimes as low as 3. The MWRD’s NPDES permit sets the effluent limit at 200/100 mL as a 30-day geometric mean, so readings of 3–25 represent the plant performing well above the requirement.

The process is elegant in its logic, the history is genuinely impressive, and the scale is humbling. MWRD’s website does a better job than I at summarizing the process. The MWRD holds open houses at several of its water treatment plants each year. There are two more this month:

A day in Springfield with Abundant Housing Illinois

Earlier this month I made the trip down to Springfield to volunteer with Abundant Housing Illinois, an advocacy organization pushing for more housing options across the state. It was our biggest group ever, with 39 people going from five Illinois municipalities, and most of us took Amtrak there and back.

The day was a mix of orientation, refining our housing stories and why we volunteer, and then walking the halls of the Capitol to speak with legislators and their staff. Our housing advocates talked to twenty Illinois General Assembly members about reforming local codes that prevent people from being able to afford housing all over the state. We spoke in support of the BUILD plan I wrote about earlier.

It’s important – although inefficient – to show up in person and make the case directly. The legislators we met with were highly or quite receptive, though you never quite know what interactions or talking points will actually move the needle. All of the six bills in the BUILD plan have not yet passed committee; but that doesn’t stop them from moving forward through other means.

If you care about housing in Illinois — whether that’s affordability, supply, or just the ability to build an ADU in your backyard — Abundant Housing Illinois is worth knowing about. Join us!

Chicago crash data updated to show monetary damages based on a person’s situation in the crash

The Chicago Crashes page that is hosted on Chicago Cityscape shows weekly and year-to-date crash statistics along with estimated costs of those crashes, broken down by person type. Today I published a major change to present the stats better, in a way that matches the costs of the crash that are said to be different based on the person’s situation – whether they were a pedestrian, bicyclists, or motor vehicle occupant – in the crash. Prior to this change, every person in the crash was assigned the same monetary cost as “driver” even if they were a pedestrian or bicyclist.

Improved cost tables

The “Costs of these crashes” tables have two improvements.

  • Each injury-severity column now shows a count alongside the dollar figure, so you can see exactly how many people of each type were killed, had incapacitating injuries, or had non-incapacitating injuries for the selected time period. This makes it easier to verify the numbers and understand the scale behind the cost estimates.
  • The tables previously listed three person-type rows: Driver/Passenger, Pedestrian, and Bicycle. The CPD dataset actually includes six person types. The two remaining types — non-motor vehicle occupants and non-contact vehicle occupants — were being silently folded into the Driver/Passenger row. They now appear in their own “Other” row.

What’s interesting is the differences in value. Pedestrian is “worth” less than bicyclist. Cost estimates use values from the CDC’s WISQARS Cost of Injury study and vary by injury severity and person type.

  • A pedestrian who is killed is said to result in $14,169 in medical costs and $10,500,000 in non-medical costs, totaling $10,514,169
  • A bicyclist who is killed is said to result in $19,750 in medical costs and $10,800,000 in non-medical costs, totaling $10,819,750
  • A motor vehicle occupant who is killed is said to result in $11,556 in medical costs and $10,600,000 in non-medical costs, totaling $10,611,556

I haven’t figured out why the pedestrian has a lower non-medical cost.

A note on count differences

You may notice that the injury counts in the “Costs of these crashes” table differ slightly from the totals in the “killed or injured” summary above it. This is expected and I will try to reconcile them 1:1 soon. The two figures come from two Chicago Police Department datasets and may be modified at certain times in ways that my import system does not catch. They differ by a small number of records at any given time.

Crash data is sourced from the Traffic Crashes — Crashes and Traffic Crashes — People datasets on the Chicago Data Portal.